Recently, I was critical of a Washington Post column by University of California-Berkeley Dean Erwin Chemerinsky and Professor Aaron S. Edlin, who argued for a legal challenge of the recall election of Callifornia Gov. Gavin Newsom as unconstitutional. They insisted that the recall election violated the concept of “one person, one vote.” While Chemerinsky and Edlin insisted that the unconstitutionality of the recall election “should not be a close constitutional question,” I argued that most judges would likely agree but come to the opposite conclusion. Apparently, one such judge is United States District Court Judge Michael Fitzgerald who went out of his way to say that this was not a close question before summarily dismissing the Chemerinsky/Edlin theory.
The professors based their argument on two 1964 cases, Wesberry v. Sanders and Reynolds v. Sims addressing voting districts with significantly different populations. The result is that voters in the smaller population districts had greater voting power.
For Newsom to be removed, a majority will have to declare that they no longer want him to be governor. The professors do not question that such a vote is entirely proper and constitutional, but insisted that the second vote would violate “one person, one vote” because less than a majority could elect Newsom’s replacement (far fewer than the voters who sought to retain him). However, the second vote does not appear an effort to inflate or reduce the power of voters. The system may have been designed to achieve a more rapid or efficient transfer of power:
“On the second vote, Newsom is not a candidate because the majority of voters decided that they want him out of office. They did so knowing that they would then have to vote for someone else in the second vote. California decided that, rather than hold a runoff for a majority-supported replacement, they would simply accept that candidate with the most votes. There are various possible supporting reasons for such a system. The state may have viewed a recall as a traumatic and costly distraction from government. This simple process allows for someone to take office quickly and without an extended campaign. Moreover, the state may view the term as an abridged or shortened period. Presumably, a governor could be removed with only a few weeks or months remaining. The voters would then have a chance to elect a new governor if they so desired.”
As I noted in the column:
“I do not see the clear or even compelling basis for declaring the recall system unconstitutional on that ground. First, as a practical matter, citizens may vote against a recall simply because they do not want to see a turnover of office as opposed to supporting Newsom. Second, the disparity in the two votes is due to the first vote being a binary choice. Either Newsom is in or Newsom is out. The state understood that reality when it allowed any qualified person to run in the second vote. The value a replacement securing a majority was not as great as giving the greatest degree of opportunity for others to seek the office.
Finally, there is equality in voting. The first vote is by majority. The second vote can be won by plurality. However, all of the votes are weighed the same. Indeed, the professors do not object to some voters being able to elect their choice by plurality.”
The theory was put to the test before Fitzgerald, an Obama appointee, who had the same reaction.
Chemerinsky and Edlin insisted “The Constitution simply does not permit replacing a governor with a less popular candidate.” However, Fitzgerald saw no constitutional barrier to the citizens of California creating such a system. He noted that the Supreme Court case law like Burdick v. Takushi, 504 U.S. 428, 433 (1992), clearly establish that “the right to vote inherently has common-sense limitations because every conceivable candidate or issue cannot be presented on every ballot.” This case law further clearly establishes that:
“There simply is no Fourteenth Amendment violation here, under either the Due Process Clause or the Equal Protection Clause or the Privileges and Immunities Clause, for these reasons: First, as a matter of logic and common sense, it simply is not true that Plaintiff only gets to vote once while others get to vote twice. Plaintiff and all California voters have the opportunity to vote two distinct issues. The first is whether the Governor should be recalled. Plaintiff and all other voters have the opportunity but not the obligation to vote for a replacement candidate. Obviously, that vote only matters if a majority of the voters turn out to have voted ‘Yes.’ Plaintiff and all other voters have the same equal vote as to who the Governor’s replacement should be.”
Fitzgerald describes the rest as more disgruntlement than any constitutional infirmity:
“Plaintiff’s argument ignores that a majority of the voters must first vote to remove the Governor before votes for the replacement candidates mean anything. Plaintiff plainly feels disgruntled that a replacement candidate with a small plurality might replace a sitting governor who, based on a robust ‘No’ vote, might well have beaten that same replacement candidate in a general election. As that may be, such disgruntlement raises no federal constitutional issues and certainly does not give the federal judiciary the right to halt the mammoth undertaking of this gubernatorial recall election. No one suggests that a state constitutional mechanism for recall is in itself unconstitutional. If the possibility for recall exists, then a means for selecting a successor must be specified. No doubt, it would be cheaper and simpler to replace a sitting governor with the lieutenant governor. But for over one hundred years, California has chosen a different procedure. The United States Constitution does not prevent that. California voters who are dubious of a ‘plurality lottery’ among the forty-six replacement candidates have the opportunity to vote ‘No.'”
Nevertheless, the theory was pushed by the Washington Post and a host of liberal websites. Post readers were delighted to hear that, once again, the law was clear and the outcome desirable. The only difficulty was in first finding a credible constitutional basis and then a willing court. This theory appears to have fallen short on both fronts with Judge Fitzgerald.
The court saw no reason to go forward with the case on the hopes of developing this theory further: “In theory, this action could continue after the election, just as the action did in Townley. However, the Court fails to see why discovery or further proceedings or a trial would matter; Plaintiff has presented a clever issue of law upon which this Court has ruled, correctly or not.”
Here is the opinion: Clark v. Weber
It’s an interesting argument made by the libs and I didn’t dismiss it out of hand. All things considered, both JT and Judge Michael Fitzgerald got it right. The Constitution isn’t a “no” document nor is it a “we can do it better” document. It’s a “freedom” document which should strive always for the most possible freedom and the least (or the most diffuse) government control possible.
Interesting, and bit problematic all this. This is for too many reasons, but one right now:
I quote the judge:
“Reading the Reply, one would think that only those voters who voted “Yes” on the first question have the right to vote for a replacement candidate. (Reply at 6 & n.6). That is not correct. All voters have the right to cast a vote on both parts of the
ballot or just the first part (recall) or just the second part (choosing among the replacement candidates).”
End of quotation:
But, there is no point for the one who would vote “no”, to put further choice in the second vote, and choosing another candidate from the list of replacements. Otherwise, why to vote “no”? By voting “no” he has clear intention, not to see the current governor replaced. So, effectively, there is no sense by that proposition that each voter can actually vote twice. And, that is the very issue:
Whether such result, effective result, violets the constitutional principle of “one person, one vote”.
What is interesting, is another proposition made by the judge, asserting that, I quote:
“However, the right to vote inherently has commonsense limitations because every conceivable candidate or issue cannot be presented on every ballot.”
Yet, and unfortunately so, he didn’t elaborate it further in length.
Thanks
On to the 9th Circuit, before the election is certified and an appeal becomes moot…
In the rest of the U.S. the governor’s name is new to some. To sum things up he needs to go. If that don’t cure it then cut and mow.
Not Moe from The Three Stooges. Nor Larry, not Cheese
nor did the judge sanction them for a filing a frivolous legal argument.
But the Judge can. With immunity.
absolutely
The plaintiffs made an argument, and the judge didn’t buy it. Notice that Turley did not accuse the plaintiffs of acting in bad faith, nor did the judge sanction them for a filing a frivolous legal argument. Notwithstanding, I expect the Trumpists here will vilify the two liberal academics as Leftist scum. I hope I am wrong.
JOsilv-You continue to describe everyone who disagrees with you as a “Trumpist” or “FoxNews”. It’s like you need a boogeyman to defend your position, “I’ll call them racist, Trumpist, FoxNews so they have to go on the defense”, it worked for awhile. The problem is, in plain english that shyte is old and played out. Maybe you should look to yourself and your whacked out ideas as the problem. Admit that you as Bezmenov calls them “one of the useful idiots”.
I call ‘em as I see ‘em just like an umpire calling balls and strikes.
–only you don’t have the credentials of an umpire. You strike out anyone who calls you out for your pseudo-credentials and uninformed opinions, and your need for validation usurps all other considerations. In the end, you had to resort to a post letting people know you lived in an “affluent” area but would still do your “civic duty” to listen to ” the forgotten man.” I smile. Most of us who live in affluent communities do not feel the need to tell others (in particular, strangers). I can only smile at your striking out at others in defense of your, er…what we might call a “compensatory personailty.”
I’m just being honest like an umpire. You’ll have to explain what is a “compensatory personality,” doctor Linz, assuming you have the credentials to do so. Thanks.
I will merely say that their argument was incoherent. It would be akin to saying that if in the next regular election that if the winning candidate gets less votes than the winner 4 years prior that they are somehow illegitimate.
You are incoherent.
Jeff, can’t blame them for trying. It was not deemed frivolous so case closed. Surprisingly they didn’t employ go to Leftist Lawrence Tribe.I have to give them credit for that.
Paul,
There is good faith trying and bad faith trying. Neither the judge nor Turley accused Biden’s lawyers of the former motivation unlike Trump’s Michigan election lawyers who Turley has NOT commented upon much less defended.
Agreed.
I don’t think they’re leftist scum. I think that they’re worried and were trying a Hail Mary (can we still say that?)
Whig,
A good faith Hail Mary unlike Trump’s lawyers in Michigan who the judge ruled did not act in good faith. Notice that Turley did not defend Trump’s lawyers from being threatened with disbarment presumably because he does not disagree with the judge’s determination that the lawyers lied in their pleadings.