The Rhetoric and Realities of Gun Control

Within minutes of the shooting at a Minneapolis Catholic Church Mass on Wednesday, politicians and pundits were calling for new gun control measures and blaming conservatives for the deaths of the children. These are the same calls that have emerged after past shootings for everything from a ban on “assault weapons” to a total ban on all guns. What the public is not being told is the limited range of options under existing constitutional precedent.

The inconvenient fact in these interviews was that Minnesota has some of the nation’s strictest gun controls, and these weapons were acquired legally in that state by the shooter. The state has “red flag” laws and other provisions, but this was someone who did not raise “red flags” or other barriers. The state is at or near the maximal level of gun controls permitted under the Constitution. What remains are bans that would trigger greater serious constitutional challenges.

After calling for more limits, Sen. Tina Smith (D., Minn.) admitted to CNN that the guns were legally obtained in her state, but insisted that “there are only so many things that an individual state can do, because guns pour into Minneapolis and Minnesota from all other parts of the country.”

Over at MSNBC, pundits were suggesting that it may be time for an Australian-like ban and seizure of all guns. The Trace reporter Mike Spies told MSNBC’s Katy Tur that “[guns are] too powerful, even handguns too, again, that’s why in Australia … The only thing that really works, if you really wanted to bring down gun violence, was to do what Australia did and to do what many other countries in Europe do.”

The problem, of course, is that this is not Australia, and we have a Second Amendment protection of gun ownership with over 490 million guns in private hands back in 2022. In 2008, the Supreme Court handed down a landmark ruling in District of Columbia v. Heller, recognizing the Second Amendment as encompassing an individual right to bear arms. The Supreme Court further strengthened the right in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association Inc. v. Bruen.

Politicians know that, but continue to call for measures that would be presumptively unconstitutional. Any Australian ban would require a constitutional amendment, absent the most extreme interpretation of the Second Amendment to flip its meaning.

As I have previously written, these calls often appear entirely disconnected from the actual crime or the constitutional protections afforded gun owners, including President Biden demanding a ban on assault weapons after a shooting with a handgun. Biden and others often collectively call these guns “assault weapons,” a standard reference to such popular models as the AR-15.

The AR-15 is the most popular gun in America and the number of these guns in private hands is continuing to rise rapidly, with one AR-15 purchased in every five new firearms sales. These AR-15s clearly are not being purchased for armored deer. Many are purchased for personal and home protection; it is also popular for target shooting and hunting. Many gun owners like the AR-15 because it is modular; depending on the model, you can swap out barrels, bolts and high-capacity magazines, or add a variety of accessories. While it does more damage than a typical handgun, it is not the most powerful gun sold in terms of caliber; many guns have equal or greater caliber.

That is why laws to ban or curtail the sale of the AR-15 would likely run into constitutional barriers. Even the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit struck down a California ban on adults under 21 purchasing semi-automatic weapons like the AR-15.

After past tragedies, some of us have cautioned that there is a limited range of options for gun bans, given constitutional protections. There are also practical barriers, with roughly half a billion guns in the United States and an estimated 72 million gun owners; three out of ten Americans say they have guns. Indeed, gun ownership rose during the pandemic. When former Texas congressman and U.S. Senate candidate Beto O’Rourke declared, “Hell yes, we are going to take your AR-15,” he was widely celebrated on the left. However, even seizing that one type of gun would require the confiscation of as many as 15 million weapons.

These calls for greater gun control remain either factually ambiguous or legally dubious. For example, former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe declared after an earlier shooting that it is time to “change the context of gun ownership.” It is unclear what “changing the context” means, particularly when the context is first and foremost constitutional.

While a few courts have upheld such bans in places like Illinois, it has yet to face a full review in the Supreme Court. In Barnett v. Raoul, the ruling of U.S. District Judge Stephen P. McGlynn was upheld. Notably, the appellate majority was composed of conservative Judge Frank Easterbrook and liberal Judge Diane P. Wood. Conservative judge Michael P. Brennan dissented.

The majority stressed that in Heller, the Supreme Court held, “[l]ike most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited.” They further noted that the court has previously found that machine guns are not protected under the Second Amendment because they were not “bearable” arms under the Second Amendment.

While gun rights advocates have stressed the similarities with other clearly protected weapons, Easterbrook and Wood stressed the  similarities between AR-15s and M16s:

The similarity between the AR-15 and the M16 only increases when we take into account how easy it is to modify the AR-15 by adding a “bump stock” (as the shooter in the 2017 Las Vegas event had done) or auto-sear to it, thereby making it, in essence, a fully automatic weapon. In a decision addressing a ban on bump stocks enacted by the Maryland legislature, another federal court found that bump-stock devices enable “rates of fire between 400 to 800 rounds per minute.”

In an analysis that gun rights advocates challenge, they stressed that the guns use the same ammunition and “deliver the same kinetic energy.” Yet, the kinetic energy used in AR-15s is also analogous to that of clearly protected weapons.

The ruling was challenged but a petition for certiorari in the case was denied on July 2, 2024.

In addition to calls for assault weapons bans, some like Biden and former Vice President Kamala Harris have supported handgun bans. (Harris later seemed to reverse that position in her own presidential run in praising her own ownership of a 9mm handgun). President Biden suggested in the past that he might seek to ban 9mm weapons. In reference to guns that use 9mm ammunition, Biden declared, “there’s simply no rational basis for it in terms of thinking about self-protection.”It is a call that has been echoed in Canada where Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced that his government is introducing legislation to “implement a national freeze on handgun ownership.” He insisted that “there is no reason anyone in Canada should need guns in their everyday lives.”

For gun owners, the political rhetoric shows the slippery slope of gun control in using vague terms to ban large categories of weapons. Many gun owners suspect that these incremental moves are indeed geared to achieve an eventual Australian-type ban and seizure.

Much of this debate has been fueled by the inaction of the Supreme Court in resolving the underlying question of the permissible range of gun control. It is possible that some justices, such as Chief Justice John Roberts, could support an assault weapons ban.  However, the question is how it would define the underlying terms and how it would distinguish such ownership from other lawful weapons.

In the meantime, politicians and pundits will continue to call for “major gun reform” without addressing the constitutional limits on such action.

331 thoughts on “The Rhetoric and Realities of Gun Control”

  1. In a decision addressing a ban on bump stocks enacted by the Maryland legislature, another federal court found that bump-stock devices enable “rates of fire between 400 to 800 rounds per minute.”

    And that “other court” was full of sh*t. Anyone who could think such an assertion plausible should be ineligible to be a judge.

  2. Those who are pushing the “assault weapons” label are using the concept to move toward the ban on all center fire semi-automatic firearms. However, semi-automatic firearms have been around since the late 19th century. But now they’re a problem? The USMC Rifleman’s Creed makes a salient observation: “Without me, my rifle is useless.” There’s another truism: The mind is the weapon, what you use is a tool. What we have is a people problem.

    Up until the 1970’s we had a robust state system to treat those with mental issues. Then it became fashionable to believe that we were unnecessarily warehousing folks who could self medicate while remaining in the general population. The state institutions withered away until now we’re at the point where there’s all too often no room for many of those who quite obviously need to be institutionalized. When this is combined with a child rearing mindset that has overly generous limits on acceptable behavior and fails to imprint the concept of duties, what we see now the result.

  3. You will never stop mentally unstable people from doing crazy things…no matter how many laws you pass.

  4. Turley writes, “Politicians know that [the Supreme Court has previously recognized an individual right to bear arms], but continue to call for measures that would be presumptively unconstitutional.” Can’t the same be said for anti-abortion activists before Dobbs? Former Chief Justice Warren Burger described the idea that the Second Amendment gives an unfettered individual right to a gun as “fraud on the American public.” Why castigate gun-control advocates while implicitly assuming that Supreme Court precedent on gun ownership can’t be overturned without a constitutional amendment?

    1. Because unlike Roe, Heller is obviously correct. Berger was not misinformed, he was outright deliberately lying.

      The idea that the second amendment doesn’t protect an individual right was always a fraud, with no basis whatsoever. We used to hear constantly that the Supreme Court had endorsed that idea in Miller, but that was a lie.

      If the 2nd amendment doesn’t protect the right to own an AR-15, then the 1st amendment doesn’t protect Islam. It’s as simple as that.

  5. Back in the 1980’s I did a masters thesis on gun control. Couldn’t prove-or disprove-that gun control had any significant effect. Simply too many variables. However, I ran across a study on how kids behaved in classrooms is significantly affected by how quickly teachers react to inappropriate behavior. In other words, if “acting out” is quickly dealt with, the group behavior is better. I think there’s message there. While you can still be a friend to your children, behavioral guidance is still necessary. Our generation became largely too permissive.

    I’m not a lawyer, but reading the 4th Circuits decision upholding the Maryland “assault weapons” ban was chilling. The court accepted-and cited-a litany of misinformation, myths and irrelevant information to support their decision. Actual assault weapons are the dominant small arm of the world’s armies. However, THE defining characteristic is the capability for full automatic fire. They’re machine guns. The military has a need for the engagement of area targets. [Concealed adversaries are firing from an area. One response is to saturate the area with bullets to suppress the adversary and prevent them from further fire.] Civilians/private citizens have no justification that I can think of for such a tactic. The AR 15 and other semi-automatic firearms have no such capability, therefor they’re not assault weapons.

  6. We don’t need to ban guns or anything of the sort. We need to ban Leftism! I’m sure reasonable liberals exist out there. But a reasonable liberal is like a liger (the offspring of a tigress and a lion pairing), they exist. However, they only exist in captivity.

    “People have lost their f**king minds..”
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=odwyxgM7_Ns

    “How can you be so f*cking stupid..”

    1. Banning leftism is certainly as reasonable as banning AR-15s. And more likely to save lives. If the 2nd amendment can be safely ignored, then so can the 1st, 4th, 5th, 6th, 8th, and 14th. If the 2nd amendment should give way to the need to save lives, then so should all those other amendments. We could save many lives by locking people up on mere suspicion, allowing police to search whatever they like and use the evidence in court, denying due process, imposing excessive sentences, and more. ALL of those would save more lives than anything we could do about guns. So why don’t we? Because the constitution says we can’t, and that is more important than anyone’s life.

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