What Makes A Good Law, What Makes A Bad Law?

Submitted by Gene Howington, Guest Blogger

In 1780, John Adams succinctly defined the principle of the Rule of Law in the Massachusetts Constitution by seeking to establish “a government of laws and not of men”. This reflects the democratic principles enshrined in the Constitution’s preamble: “We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.” The very foundation of our legal system says that the law should work for us all, not just a select few.

This raises the question of what is a good law that serves the majority of society and what is a bad law that doesn’t serve the majority of society?

This idea is further bolstered by the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment:

“All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” The latter addition of the 14th Amendment as well as the Preamble of the Constitution both reflect the spirit in which this country was founded as set forth in the Declaration of Independence: “When in the Course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. — That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, — That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.”

Clearly, the pursuit of the Rule of Law under the Constitution as informed by the Declaration is a pursuit of the Utilitarian concept of the right course of action is the one that maximizes the overall good consequences of an action; what is in the best interest of greatest numbers of We the People is in the best interests of the country.

Utilitarianism is a quantitative and reductionist philosophical form. Utilitarianism, however, is not a unified philosophical view. It comes in different flavors with the two primary flavors being Rule Utilitarianism and Act Utilitarianism. Strong Rule Utilitarianism is an absolutist philosophical view and rules may never be broken. Like any absolutist view does not take into account that reality occasionally presents situations where breaking a rule results in the greater good. For example, the strong reductionist rule that murder is bad is countered by the exceptional example of murder is not bad if performed in self-defense or the defense of others. This result of practical application is reflected in what John Stuart Mill called Weak Rule Utilitarianism. It becomes apparent that since not all rules are absolutely enforceable when seeking the common good and exceptional circumstances require flexibility in the law, that the Utilitarian pursuit of the Rule of Law must be in Mill’s Weak Rule formulation of Utilitarianism. But is considering the greater good and circumstantial reasons for breaking or modifying rules the best way to judge whether a law is good or bad?

If one considers Kant’s Categorical Imperative – “Act only according to that maxim whereby you can, at the same time, will that it should become a universal law.” – then any law not universally applicable should not be a maxim worthy of being recognized as universal. This is contrary to Utilitarianism in general as well as Weak Rule Utilitarianism specifically, but while Kant’s view takes subjectivity into account when dealing with circumstances it does not take into account that there can be objective differences in circumstances as well. It is part of the judiciaries role as a trier of fact to consider not only subjective differences but objective differences in circumstances in formulating the most equitable and just solution to a case at bar. In seeking to be universally applicable in defining maxims, Kant is an absolutist as surely as Strong Rule Utilitarians are absolutists. As a consequence of reality not being neatly binary in nature and thus not often compatible to absolutists approaches to formulating laws for practical application, what can be done to keep Weak Rule Utilitarianism from degenerating into Act Utilitarianism where actors will seek the greatest personal pleasure when presented with a choice rather than the greater good? Utilitarianism conflicting with the Categorical Imperative? Is there a unitary philosophical approach to evaluating whether a law is good or bad?

The answer seems to be no. If there is no single view, absolutist or otherwise, that leads to a practical system for evaluating whether a law is good or bad, then there is only one option for building a framework for evaluation. That option is synthesis.

Consider that absolutist systems as they are not applicable in reality should be confined to being considered theoretical boundaries rather than practical boundaries. This does not negate the value of considering systems like Strong Rule Utilitarianism or Kant’s Categorical Imperative, but rather puts them in the place of aspirational goals rather than practically attainable goals in every circumstance. Given that Mill’s Weak Rule Utilitarianism can degrade into Act Utilitarianism and that degeneration can be compounded by the number of exceptions there are to a rule, are there ways to minimize the defects of using only Weak Rule Utilitarianism to determine the societal value of a law? What supplements can be made to that framework?

I submit that one such supplement is found in the form of Negative Utilitarianism. Negative Utilitarianism is exactly what it sounds like; the inverse function of Utilitarianism. Whereas Utilitarianism is the basic proposition that the right course of action is the one that maximizes the overall good consequences of an action, Negative Utilitarianism is the basic proposition that requires us to promote the least amount of evil or harm, or to prevent the greatest amount of suffering for the greatest number. If one takes both into account in evaluation of the social value of a law (a synthetic approach), the test becomes a balancing act. On one side of the scale is the societal value of overall good consequences, on the other side is the societal value of preventing overall harm. This proposition suggests the following framework for evaluation of whether a law is good or bad.

  • How many people benefit from the good consequences of a law?
  • How many people benefit from the reduction of harm as consequences of a law?
  • Does the benefits from promoting good consequences outweigh the costs of reduction of harm?
  • Does the benefits from reducing harm outweigh the costs to the greater good in taking no action?
  • Are the net consequences of a law perfectly knowable from either perspective or does the possibility of unforeseeable consequences exist? Can the unforeseeable risks be minimized either by construction of the law(s) to allow for contingencies or by regulating other risks or contributing factors?
  • Do solutions from either perspective negatively impact human and/or civil rights? Do those negative impacts outweigh the positive effects to the greater human and/or civil rights of all?

This is but one way to evaluate whether a law is good or bad for society. What are other methods? Are there ways to improve this method? What do you think?

2,113 thoughts on “What Makes A Good Law, What Makes A Bad Law?”

  1. Gene H
    >Capitalism and “resource redistricting” made things worse than if Africa had been allowed to sort itself out

    Since capitalism is essentially individualist and imperialism is essentially collectivist, that’s impossible.

    Further, your “sorting,” having no meaning, is an appeal to emotion. Apart from some relatively sophisticated kingdoms around the 1600s(?) and some Roman influence in the north, traditional Africa (black Africa, as description, not race) has been primitive for as long as there has been man there. There is no evidence that Africa would have developed differently from its past if there had been no colonization. There is not even a sophisticated religion in traditional Africa, much less any intellectuals. Granted that imperialism is destructive of rights, as a matter of historical accident, Africa also benefited from Western ideas, the Western ideas that nihilists like you want to sacrifice to nothing. One such Western idea was the Greek-inspired British education that helped Africa develop the rationality missing from traditional culture. I knew a Nigerian university student who, as a result of that British education, was better educated than most of the American university students I knew.

    The ignorance of individual rights of traditional Africa is being replaced by the ideal of America, the ideal you nihilists have come close to destroying in your depraved, blood-spattered lust for sacrifice.

  2. Roco
    1, July 28, 2011 at 7:49 pm
    gENE h:

    in my opinion we only need a very small set of laws to protect us.

    For example lets take pollution. We all agree that pollution is bad but all we need is the framework of civil law we now have to take a company to task if they pollute our property or harm us. the relief is in the law. It doesnt have to be 10,000 pages of regulations.

    If you or a loved one is harmed, grab Mespo and sue the shit out of them.
    ========================================================

    you’re saying that someone should be able to buy property next to you, dig a hole, dump in anything they damn well please, and you can only do something about it after you or your wife and/or kids are dead or dying?

    are you serious?

  3. Roco
    > a large German immigration in the mid to late 1800′s, they brought a lot of that shit to our shores.

    Intellectuals, not average people ,dominate culture. Post-Civil War, many American university students got their graduate studies in Germany and brought back German idealism. See Leonard Peikoff’s excellent comparison between post-Enlightenment, modern culture in America and the uber-bizarre, Weimar culture in _The Ominous Parallels_. There were long-haired, young, folk-singing, alcoholic, guitar-playing hippies in 1890s Germany, all looking for a leader. “Wonderbirds.” This is a study of ideas as guiding culture, not a nationalist/ethnic condemnation of Germans.

  4. Mike Spinwell
    >Teddy Roosevelt and his ilk considered the Celts (Irish and Scots) to be culturally inferior (get this) “races”, to the Anglo-Saxons, nee Teutonic “Race”.

    TR was a Progressive, an environmentalist, an imperialist, and a lover of war as institutionalizing sacrifice. BTW, in the 19th century, racists were typically socialists and socialists were typically racists. Apparently they recognized the principle of collectivism in each. Oh, wait, multicultural leftists are racists too, but the nice kind, ie, egalitarian racists.

  5. No, Roco. You didn’t answer the questions. I didn’t ask you about controlling everything. That’s your straw man. You are evading the questions in a dishonest manner. If you wish to be treated like an adult, act like one and answer the questions. They are not difficult to answer. What I want is an answer to these questions.:

    How do you protect individuals from others without rules that are controls on the behavior of others?

    How do you protect the rights of one without rules that apply to all?

    I don’t want examples of what you think the answer is. I don’t want your opinion. I want you to answer those two questions. They are straight forward questions and require no special knowledge to answer. Either you can answer them or you can’t.

    I’ll even start your answers for you:

    You protect the rights of the individual without rules by ____________.

    You protect the rights of individuals without rules that apply to all by ___________.

    Just fill in the blanks.

  6. Roco, you can never be sure where old Geno is heading, but you can be sure the train will derail before he gets there. I’m waiting for him to commit to a position before wasting time with his inanities.

  7. kderosa:

    No, I was not trying to be evasive. Maybe I am missing something but the example of pollution seems pretty clear to me. Was it to you? Or am I missing something?

  8. Roco, you can find out Geno’s answer by looking at the place where he derives all his knowledge — Wikipedia.

  9. Gene H:

    I already answered you above. Murder is against the law but it happens all the time. We cannot control everything.

    You dont punish people by restricting access to knives, clubs, guns, bows and arrows, rocks or kung fu lessons. You punish the perpetrator of the act after it has happened.

  10. They are simple questions, Roco. You should be able to answer them as a matter of logic. No special knowledge is required.

  11. Roco,

    How do you protect individuals from others without rules that are controls on the behavior of others? How do you protect the rights of one without rules that apply to all?

  12. Roco, you should be honored. The grand evader has called your answer evasive. Either that was a supreme compliment if you were trying to evade (unlikely) or he has managed to evade yet again by charging you with evasion.

    Bravo, GeneH, you never cease to amaze.

  13. GeneH, only in your opinion and we know how much that counts for.

    I also like the way you continually micharacterize everything I write. I did not make or suggest a normative judgment on your “line of questioning,” I merely indicated that you had already led yourself astray from the path of reasoning in your answer to your partial own question. But, you go ahead a flounder a bit more.

  14. Roco,

    Evasion. I’m again disappointed. Your opinion is your opinion. It is not an answer to the subsequent valid and relevant questions.

  15. gENE h:

    in my opinion we only need a very small set of laws to protect us.

    For example lets take pollution. We all agree that pollution is bad but all we need is the framework of civil law we now have to take a company to task if they pollute our property or harm us. the relief is in the law. It doesnt have to be 10,000 pages of regulations.

    If you or a loved one is harmed, grab Mespo and sue the shit out of them.

  16. kderosa,

    Again, the only thing discredited here is you (and Grossman). That you don’t like the line of questioning is entirely beside the point and entirely your problem.

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