Court Rejects Trump Motion To Bar Campaign Statements From Fraud Trial

trump_university_logo495px-Donald_Trump_by_Gage_SkidmoreWe have previously discussed the extraordinary prospect of a President-elect Donald Trump being called as a witness between his election and his inauguration. That prospect is still quite real, even though U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel pushed both sides to settle the case involving Trump University. He also rejected a motion to bar campaign statements by Trump at trial, an interesting ruling that seems in part due to the failure to specify the statements that the defense wanted to exclude from trial.

Judge Curiel pushed the parties to settle “given all else that’s involved.” Federal courts often pushed for settlements at this stage, though there is obviously more reason to do so here. It could be a problem for Trump who pledged to fight and win the case, but a settlement would remove considerable distraction for his new administration.

Curiel did allow Trump to give his testimony by video link in light of his responsibilities as the President elect.

The fraud case is actually quite interesting. The claims are based primarily on alleged assurances or indications that Trump University was an accredited university, that Trump handpicked top experts in the field to teach them, and they would receive a year of mentoring. However, the case does raise the long-standing warning of caveat emptor (“buyer beware”) for consumer to separate puffery from promises in such arrangements. Many were sold after watching what was clearly an infomercial. The Trump team insists that these students were unsuccessful due to their own failings and many actually gave the course high marks for satisfaction. I have long been a critic of such commercial “educational” products, even with accredited online universities. Students often pay huge amounts and receive sub par courses or educations. While the base course only lasted 3 days and cost $1,500, the gold or elite mentored courses could go as high as a shocking $35,000.

Trump University was incorporated in 2004 and Donald Trump owned 93% of the company. Notably, however,
in June 2010, “Trump University” dropped the educational reference and changed its name to “The Trump Entrepreneur Initiative.” It then shutdown in 2010.

Trial is scheduled to begin Nov. 28 and, while he allowed for briefing on another delay, Curiel indicated that he was not inclined to do so.

The Trump lawyers sought to exclude trial statements but did not appear to adequately specify the statements according to Curiel who said “Defendants have not identified specific evidence that they wish to exclude. Accordingly, the court declines to issue a blanket ruling at this time.”

I view the Trump motion as meritorious if it is fully detailed and supported. I think comments about the judge or other issues is likely to be prejudicial and distracting. The closer question would be comments about the case itself. Many judges would allow those comments to be introduced. In that sense, Curiel’s decision makes sense. The Trump lawyers can object in the course of the trial to specific questions and he will weigh the probative value of the statements against their prejudicial impact.

68 thoughts on “Court Rejects Trump Motion To Bar Campaign Statements From Fraud Trial”

  1. Any statements are fair game. It’s up to litigants to prove materiality. “I” can’t see any fault in a judge allowing statements on a de bene esse basis.

  2. As someone who is obviously not a lawyer, why wouldn’t public statements be allowed into trial evidence?

    1. Karen – I think statements are supposed to have a baring on the case. If not, they are supposed to be excluded.

  3. Perhaps Dems who are distraught at what’s happening now will consider putting up Clinton again in four years time? Surely they will do better next time round since none of this is her fault or theirs for somnambulating in her toxic wake. Perhaps if they continue howling at the moon, the moon will make it better. Perhaps by then the country will have come round and will beg to be impoverished by an austerity loving neoliberal who bails out banks with tax payer money but not people. Or perhaps they want to see more children dyeing and tormented in needless wars such as Iran, Libia, Syria and now Yemen.

    I would strongly recommend that they don’t choose someone the country can get behind. No sincerity, no openess, just conniving secrecy and legions of legal teams to re-define morality into a twisted Rose Mary’s baby mockery of what Democrats once stood for. It’s fine – in fact it’s required – if their candidate kills millions, or supports torture in secret rendition camps, or sends drones to kill families at weddings; that’s being responsible. Just don’t say, gasp, “socialism”, now that would be a real sin. Above all else let them choose the most corrupt piece of dirt in the Democratic party who sells influence to countries like China or investment bankers like Goldman Sachs for personal gain as if it was her god given right as an American aristocrat. Wrap it up in the language of “experience”, “able to get things done” (such as peddling influence for gain). Anyone else, anyone who might inspire, and failure will be certain.

    That seems to be all that you have learned this cycle so good luck with it next time, I’m sure doing the same thing over and over and over and expecting different results will succeed famously.

    1. Sorry, the most important, the absolutely most critical thing of all. Blame the other guy.

    2. “ Ellison embraced the Wellstone vision in Minnesota, where both men emerged from the same Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party activist tradition. They worked together for shared goals as a sitting US senator and a young African-American community activist looking to get involved in Minnesota politics, as a college professor and a lawyer, as an veteran farm and labor organizer and a community organizer on issues of racial and economic justice, as a Jew and a Muslim who sought a more progressive Democratic Party and a more progressive local, state, and national politics. ” Should Bernie supporter Keith Ellison be elected chair of the DNC will he extend the democrats a lifeline? I think so. Keith will have to get past the DNC corporatists to win but if he does he could very well be the perfect foil to trumpism

  4. I agree with the court’s ruling on the motion. It is not possible to consider the potential impact of statements sought to be excluded without examining the statements themselves.

    I also believe the case will be settled. The settlement agreement will provide for the payment of money and will contain standard provisions acknowledging that all of the material allegations in the pleadings are denied and that the settlement does not constitute an admission of liability. It is also likely that the agreement will contain clauses prohibiting the disclosure of any of its terms and imposing a substantial financial penalty for any breach of confidentiality.

    1. Thank you, Mike A., for the assessment. I do not know much about such things, so I appreciate your input.

    2. Mike Appleton – I agree with you on this one. Only because it is time sensitive.

  5. The mainstream media was very dishonest when it accused Trump of being racist, when in fact the judge himself very well may be the racist.

    The lawyers’ association to which Judge Gonzalo Curiel belongs was co-founded by a man who publicly bragged about Hispanics taking over California and all of the state’s governmental institutions–and insisted that whites should go back to Europe. The group, the California La Raza Lawyers Association, has been widely defended as “not pro-Mexican” by mainstream media outlets, though the outlets failed to report the inflammatory statements of the man listed first as a founder, Mario Obledo.

    Founder of Judge Curiel’s Group: Whites Should Go Back to Europe, CA To Be ‘Hispanic State’

    1. Of course, this info will be, predictably, buried by the media. By doing so, the false narrative may continue to paint Trump as the racist, yet, the fact is that these judges, in dirty robes, exhibit more racist and xenophobic tendencies than Trump could in a lifetime, as evidenced by their proud memberships to organizations, which openly and proudly defame and ridicule anyone white or Christian. Trump is f’d if he doesn’t settle. This La Raza judge will not treat him in any manner which could remotely be considered objective.

  6. Supreme Court Justice blatantly states her race influences her decisions

    The following is the text of the Judge Mario G. Olmos Memorial Lecture in 2001, delivered at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law, by appeals court judge Sonia Sotomayor. It was published in the Spring 2002 issue of Berkeley La Raza Law Journal, a symposium issue entitled “Raising the Bar: Latino and Latina Presence in the Judiciary and the Struggle for Representation,” and it is reproduced here with permission from the journal.

    “A Latina Judge’s Voice”

    By Sonia Sotomayor

    Judge Reynoso, thank you for that lovely introduction. I am humbled to be speaking behind a man who has contributed so much to the Hispanic community. I am also grateful to have such kind words said about me.

    I am delighted to be here. It is nice to escape my hometown for just a little bit. It is also nice to say hello to old friends who are in the audience, to rekindle contact with old acquaintances and to make new friends among those of you in the audience. It is particularly heart warming to me to be attending a conference to which I was invited by a Latina law school friend, Rachel Moran, who is now an accomplished and widely respected legal scholar. I warn Latinos in this room: Latinas are making a lot of progress in the old-boy network.

    I am also deeply honored to have been asked to deliver the annual Judge Mario G. Olmos lecture. I am joining a remarkable group of prior speakers who have given this lecture. I hope what I speak about today continues to promote the legacy of that man whose commitment to public service and abiding dedication to promoting equality and justice for all people inspired this memorial lecture and the conference that will follow. I thank Judge Olmos’ widow Mary Louise’s family, her son and the judge’s many friends for hosting me. And for the privilege you have bestowed on me in honoring the memory of a very special person. If I and the many people of this conference can accomplish a fraction of what Judge Olmos did in his short but extraordinary life we and our respective communities will be infinitely better.
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    Sotomayor’s View of Judging Is on the Record MAY 14, 2009

    I intend tonight to touch upon the themes that this conference will be discussing this weekend and to talk to you about my Latina identity, where it came from, and the influence I perceive it has on my presence on the bench.

    Who am I? I am a “Newyorkrican.” For those of you on the West Coast who do not know what that term means: I am a born and bred New Yorker of Puerto Rican-born parents who came to the states during World War II.

    Like many other immigrants to this great land, my parents came because of poverty and to attempt to find and secure a better life for themselves and the family that they hoped to have. They largely succeeded. For that, my brother and I are very grateful. The story of that success is what made me and what makes me the Latina that I am. The Latina side of my identity was forged and closely nurtured by my family through our shared experiences and traditions.

    For me, a very special part of my being Latina is the mucho platos de arroz, gandules y pernil – rice, beans and pork – that I have eaten at countless family holidays and special events. My Latina identity also includes, because of my particularly adventurous taste buds, morcilla, — pig intestines, patitas de cerdo con garbanzo — pigs’ feet with beans, and la lengua y orejas de cuchifrito, pigs’ tongue and ears. I bet the Mexican-Americans in this room are thinking that Puerto Ricans have unusual food tastes. Some of us, like me, do. Part of my Latina identity is the sound of merengue at all our family parties and the heart wrenching Spanish love songs that we enjoy. It is the memory of Saturday afternoon at the movies with my aunt and cousins watching Cantinflas, who is not Puerto Rican, but who was an icon Spanish comedian on par with Abbot and Costello of my generation. My Latina soul was nourished as I visited and played at my grandmother’s house with my cousins and extended family. They were my friends as I grew up. Being a Latina child was watching the adults playing dominos on Saturday night and us kids playing loteria, bingo, with my grandmother calling out the numbers which we marked on our cards with chick peas.

    Now, does any one of these things make me a Latina? Obviously not because each of our Carribean and Latin American communities has their own unique food and different traditions at the holidays. I only learned about tacos in college from my Mexican-American roommate. Being a Latina in America also does not mean speaking Spanish. I happen to speak it fairly well. But my brother, only three years younger, like too many of us educated here, barely speaks it. Most of us born and bred here, speak it very poorly.

    If I had pursued my career in my undergraduate history major, I would likely provide you with a very academic description of what being a Latino or Latina means. For example, I could define Latinos as those peoples and cultures populated or colonized by Spain who maintained or adopted Spanish or Spanish Creole as their language of communication. You can tell that I have been very well educated. That antiseptic description however, does not really explain the appeal of morcilla – pig’s intestine – to an American born child. It does not provide an adequate explanation of why individuals like us, many of whom are born in this completely different American culture, still identify so strongly with those communities in which our parents were born and raised.

    America has a deeply confused image of itself that is in perpetual tension. We are a nation that takes pride in our ethnic diversity, recognizing its importance in shaping our society and in adding richness to its existence. Yet, we simultaneously insist that we can and must function and live in a race and color-blind way that ignore these very differences that in other contexts we laud. That tension between “the melting pot and the salad bowl” — a recently popular metaphor used to described New York’s diversity – is being hotly debated today in national discussions about affirmative action. Many of us struggle with this tension and attempt to maintain and promote our cultural and ethnic identities in a society that is often ambivalent about how to deal with its differences. In this time of great debate we must remember that it is not political struggles that create a Latino or Latina identity. I became a Latina by the way I love and the way I live my life. My family showed me by their example how wonderful and vibrant life is and how wonderful and magical it is to have a Latina soul. They taught me to love being a Puertorriqueña and to love America and value its lesson that great things could be achieved if one works hard for it. But achieving success here is no easy accomplishment for Latinos or Latinas, and although that struggle did not and does not create a Latina identity, it does inspire how I live my life.

    I was born in the year 1954. That year was the fateful year in which Brown v. Board of Education was decided. When I was eight, in 1961, the first Latino, the wonderful Judge Reynaldo Garza, was appointed to the federal bench, an event we are celebrating at this conference. When I finished law school in 1979, there were no women judges on the Supreme Court or on the highest court of my home state, New York. There was then only one Afro-American Supreme Court Justice and then and now no Latino or Latina justices on our highest court. Now in the last twenty plus years of my professional life, I have seen a quantum leap in the representation of women and Latinos in the legal profession and particularly in the judiciary. In addition to the appointment of the first female United States Attorney General, Janet Reno, we have seen the appointment of two female justices to the Supreme Court and two female justices to the New York Court of Appeals, the highest court of my home state. One of those judges is the Chief Judge and the other is a Puerto Riqueña, like I am. As of today, women sit on the highest courts of almost all of the states and of the territories, including Puerto Rico. One Supreme Court, that of Minnesota, had a majority of women justices for a period of time.

    As of September 1, 2001, the federal judiciary consisting of Supreme, Circuit and District Court Judges was about 22% women. In 1992, nearly ten years ago, when I was first appointed a District Court Judge, the percentage of women in the total federal judiciary was only 13%. Now, the growth of Latino representation is somewhat less favorable. As of today we have, as I noted earlier, no Supreme Court justices, and we have only 10 out of 147 active Circuit Court judges and 30 out of 587 active district court judges. Those numbers are grossly below our proportion of the population. As recently as 1965, however, the federal bench had only three women serving and only one Latino judge. So changes are happening, although in some areas, very slowly. These figures and appointments are heartwarming. Nevertheless, much still remains to happen.

    Let us not forget that between the appointments of Justice Sandra Day O’Connor in 1981 and Justice Ginsburg in 1992, eleven years passed. Similarly, between Justice Kaye’s initial appointment as an Associate Judge to the New York Court of Appeals in 1983, and Justice Ciparick’s appointment in 1993, ten years elapsed. Almost nine years later, we are waiting for a third appointment of a woman to both the Supreme Court and the New York Court of Appeals and of a second minority, male or female, preferably Hispanic, to the Supreme Court. In 1992 when I joined the bench, there were still two out of 13 circuit courts and about 53 out of 92 district courts in which no women sat. At the beginning of September of 2001, there are women sitting in all 13 circuit courts. The First, Fifth, Eighth and Federal Circuits each have only one female judge, however, out of a combined total number of 48 judges. There are still nearly 37 district courts with no women judges at all. For women of color the statistics are more sobering. As of September 20, 1998, of the then 195 circuit court judges only two were African-American women and two Hispanic women. Of the 641 district court judges only twelve were African-American women and eleven Hispanic women. African-American women comprise only 1.56% of the federal judiciary and Hispanic-American women comprise only 1%. No African-American, male or female, sits today on the Fourth or Federal circuits. And no Hispanics, male or female, sit on the Fourth, Sixth, Seventh, Eighth, District of Columbia or Federal Circuits.

    Sort of shocking, isn’t it? This is the year 2002. We have a long way to go. Unfortunately, there are some very deep storm warnings we must keep in mind. In at least the last five years the majority of nominated judges the Senate delayed more than one year before confirming or never confirming were women or minorities. I need not remind this audience that Judge Paez of your home Circuit, the Ninth Circuit, has had the dubious distinction of having had his confirmation delayed the longest in Senate history. These figures demonstrate that there is a real and continuing need for Latino and Latina organizations and community groups throughout the country to exist and to continue their efforts of promoting women and men of all colors in their pursuit for equality in the judicial system.

    1. This weekend’s conference, illustrated by its name, is bound to examine issues that I hope will identify the efforts and solutions that will assist our communities. The focus of my speech tonight, however, is not about the struggle to get us where we are and where we need to go but instead to discuss with you what it all will mean to have more women and people of color on the bench. The statistics I have been talking about provide a base from which to discuss a question which one of my former colleagues on the Southern District bench, Judge Miriam Cederbaum, raised when speaking about women on the federal bench. Her question was: What do the history and statistics mean? In her speech, Judge Cederbaum expressed her belief that the number of women and by direct inference people of color on the bench, was still statistically insignificant and that therefore we could not draw valid scientific conclusions from the acts of so few people over such a short period of time. Yet, we do have women and people of color in more significant numbers on the bench and no one can or should ignore pondering what that will mean or not mean in the development of the law. Now, I cannot and do not claim this issue as personally my own. In recent years there has been an explosion of research and writing in this area. On one of the panels tomorrow, you will hear the Latino perspective in this debate.

      For those of you interested in the gender perspective on this issue, I commend to you a wonderful compilation of articles published on the subject in Vol. 77 of the Judicature, the Journal of the American Judicature Society of November-December 1993. It is on Westlaw/Lexis and I assume the students and academics in this room can find it.

      Now Judge Cedarbaum expresses concern with any analysis of women and presumably again people of color on the bench, which begins and presumably ends with the conclusion that women or minorities are different from men generally. She sees danger in presuming that judging should be gender or anything else based. She rightly points out that the perception of the differences between men and women is what led to many paternalistic laws and to the denial to women of the right to vote because we were described then “as not capable of reasoning or thinking logically” but instead of “acting intuitively.” I am quoting adjectives that were bandied around famously during the suffragettes’ movement.

      While recognizing the potential effect of individual experiences on perception, Judge Cedarbaum nevertheless believes that judges must transcend their personal sympathies and prejudices and aspire to achieve a greater degree of fairness and integrity based on the reason of law. Although I agree with and attempt to work toward Judge Cedarbaum’s aspiration, I wonder whether achieving that goal is possible in all or even in most cases. And I wonder whether by ignoring our differences as women or men of color we do a disservice both to the law and society. Whatever the reasons why we may have different perspectives, either as some theorists suggest because of our cultural experiences or as others postulate because we have basic differences in logic and reasoning, are in many respects a small part of a larger practical question we as women and minority judges in society in general must address. I accept the thesis of a law school classmate, Professor Steven Carter of Yale Law School, in his affirmative action book that in any group of human beings there is a diversity of opinion because there is both a diversity of experiences and of thought. Thus, as noted by another Yale Law School Professor — I did graduate from there and I am not really biased except that they seem to be doing a lot of writing in that area – Professor Judith Resnik says that there is not a single voice of feminism, not a feminist approach but many who are exploring the possible ways of being that are distinct from those structured in a world dominated by the power and words of men. Thus, feminist theories of judging are in the midst of creation and are not and perhaps will never aspire to be as solidified as the established legal doctrines of judging can sometimes appear to be.

      That same point can be made with respect to people of color. No one person, judge or nominee will speak in a female or people of color voice. I need not remind you that Justice Clarence Thomas represents a part but not the whole of African-American thought on many subjects. Yet, because I accept the proposition that, as Judge Resnik describes it, “to judge is an exercise of power” and because as, another former law school classmate, Professor Martha Minnow of Harvard Law School, states “there is no objective stance but only a series of perspectives – no neutrality, no escape from choice in judging,” I further accept that our experiences as women and people of color affect our decisions. The aspiration to impartiality is just that–it’s an aspiration because it denies the fact that we are by our experiences making different choices than others. Not all women or people of color, in all or some circumstances or indeed in any particular case or circumstance but enough people of color in enough cases, will make a difference in the process of judging. The Minnesota Supreme Court has given an example of this. As reported by Judge Patricia Wald formerly of the D.C. Circuit Court, three women on the Minnesota Court with two men dissenting agreed to grant a protective order against a father’s visitation rights when the father abused his child. The Judicature Journal has at least two excellent studies on how women on the courts of appeal and state supreme courts have tended to vote more often than their male counterpart to uphold women’s claims in sex discrimination cases and criminal defendants’ claims in search and seizure cases. As recognized by legal scholars, whatever the reason, not one woman or person of color in any one position but as a group we will have an effect on the development of the law and on judging.

      In our private conversations, Judge Cedarbaum has pointed out to me that seminal decisions in race and sex discrimination cases have come from Supreme Courts composed exclusively of white males. I agree that this is significant but I also choose to emphasize that the people who argued those cases before the Supreme Court which changed the legal landscape ultimately were largely people of color and women. I recall that Justice Thurgood Marshall, Judge Connie Baker Motley, the first black woman appointed to the federal bench, and others of the NAACP argued Brown v. Board of Education. Similarly, Justice Ginsburg, with other women attorneys, was instrumental in advocating and convincing the Court that equality of work required equality in terms and conditions of employment.

      Whether born from experience or inherent physiological or cultural differences, a possibility I abhor less or discount less than my colleague Judge Cedarbaum, our gender and national origins may and will make a difference in our judging. Justice O’Connor has often been cited as saying that a wise old man and wise old woman will reach the same conclusion in deciding cases. I am not so sure Justice O’Connor is the author of that line since Professor Resnik attributes that line to Supreme Court Justice Coyle. I am also not so sure that I agree with the statement. First, as Professor Martha Minnow has noted, there can never be a universal definition of wise. Second, I would hope that a wise Latina woman with the richness of her experiences would more often than not reach a better conclusion than a white male who hasn’t lived that life.

      Let us not forget that wise men like Oliver Wendell Holmes and Justice Cardozo voted on cases which upheld both sex and race discrimination in our society. Until 1972, no Supreme Court case ever upheld the claim of a woman in a gender discrimination case. I, like Professor Carter, believe that we should not be so myopic as to believe that others of different experiences or backgrounds are incapable of understanding the values and needs of people from a different group. Many are so capable. As Judge Cedarbaum pointed out to me, nine white men on the Supreme Court in the past have done so on many occasions and on many issues including Brown.

      However, to understand takes time and effort, something that not all people are willing to give. For others, their experiences limit their ability to understand the experiences of others. Other simply do not care. Hence, one must accept the proposition that a difference there will be by the presence of women and people of color on the bench. Personal experiences affect the facts that judges choose to see. My hope is that I will take the good from my experiences and extrapolate them further into areas with which I am unfamiliar. I simply do not know exactly what that difference will be in my judging. But I accept there will be some based on my gender and my Latina heritage.

      I also hope that by raising the question today of what difference having more Latinos and Latinas on the bench will make will start your own evaluation. For people of color and women lawyers, what does and should being an ethnic minority mean in your lawyering? For men lawyers, what areas in your experiences and attitudes do you need to work on to make you capable of reaching those great moments of enlightenment which other men in different circumstances have been able to reach. For all of us, how do change the facts that in every task force study of gender and race bias in the courts, women and people of color, lawyers and judges alike, report in significantly higher percentages than white men that their gender and race has shaped their careers, from hiring, retention to promotion and that a statistically significant number of women and minority lawyers and judges, both alike, have experienced bias in the courtroom?

      Each day on the bench I learn something new about the judicial process and about being a professional Latina woman in a world that sometimes looks at me with suspicion. I am reminded each day that I render decisions that affect people concretely and that I owe them constant and complete vigilance in checking my assumptions, presumptions and perspectives and ensuring that to the extent that my limited abilities and capabilities permit me, that I reevaluate them and change as circumstances and cases before me requires. I can and do aspire to be greater than the sum total of my experiences but I accept my limitations. I willingly accept that we who judge must not deny the differences resulting from experience and heritage but attempt, as the Supreme Court suggests, continuously to judge when those opinions, sympathies and prejudices are appropriate.

      There is always a danger embedded in relative morality, but since judging is a series of choices that we must make, that I am forced to make, I hope that I can make them by informing myself on the questions I must not avoid asking and continuously pondering. We, I mean all of us in this room, must continue individually and in voices united in organizations that have supported this conference, to think about these questions and to figure out how we go about creating the opportunity for there to be more women and people of color on the bench so we can finally have statistically significant numbers to measure the differences we will and are making.

      I am delighted to have been here tonight and extend once again my deepest gratitude to all of you for listening and letting me share my reflections on being a Latina voice on the bench. Thank you.

  7. He does sound like a bought and paid for Sorista Judge. Let justice take it’s course.

  8. JT,

    There are 75 lawsuits against Trump. Keep it coming. Here’s some:

    Most of the 75 open lawsuits are likely going nowhere. More than a dozen of the 20 ongoing federal cases where Trump is a defendant are actual nonsense, filed against the future president along with co-defendants Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, and even Walt Disney, on behalf of seemingly mentally-ill plaintiffs. (Anyone can file a lawsuit.) The complaints in the wildest cases include allegations of kidnapping by the president-elect and his son—members of the supposed Illuminati.

    Others may turn out to be much more legitimate. Members of Trump’s golf course in Jupiter, Florida, are currently suing the flaxen-haired businessman for $2.4 million for taking fees and dues while allegedly blocking admission to the actual club. A former employee of the same club brought a lawsuit last month, alleging she was unlawfully fired after reporting sexual harassment by a coworker.

  9. Some Trump haters are in a hybrid of the first 2 stages of grief, denial/anger. Anyone who knows anything about torts know it is reasonable and customary that a settlement include no admission. The settlement is about

    1. You miss the point, as usual. Trump was waving his I’m not a racist flag. It had nothing to do with the mechanics of the law. If he had kept his mouth shut it would have been better but hey it doesn’t seem to matter to half of America that their next President is a racist, a bigot, a buffoon, etc. Wait until he tanks the economy. Let’s see now, you tax the corporations less so they will build more factories. Brilliant. You throw out immigrants so that those middle class jobs are cutting grass and picking beets. There’s one born every minute.

      1. Isaac,

        “…it doesn’t seem to matter to half of America that their next President is a racist, a bigot, a buffoon, etc.”

        That’s what they like about him.

      2. A good share of those supporting Trump disliked him only slightly less than they disliked Hillary. None of the people I know who voted for Trump liked his comments. This election was more against Hillary than anything. Four years ago President Obama won his second term, elected by many of those so-called racists you decry.

      3. issac – Presidents rarely have too much control over the economy, however Obama has started us with a 1.2 GPD and 94 million people out of work. Yellen will make a difference with the next two meetings of the FED. Not sure when her term is up, but I would guess her days are numbered.

  10. caveat emptor and puffery

    Turley, you sometimes hit the nail on the head even though you were aiming elsewhere. In what happened Tuesday, unfortunately the idiot buyers will take the rest of us with them after they succumbed to the greatest example of puffery in decades. Why, Trump has left Bush’s landing on an aircraft carrier claiming ‘mission accomplished’ in a forgotten puff of exhaust.

    1. If Trump is found guilty of high crimes and misdeamors, he should be impeached.

  11. I took 24 semester hours in education and only one course was of any value (grading and curriculum design). I started learning teaching when my student teaching started.

  12. Blatantly steals from numerous Americans and then contributes next to nothing in taxes to support the courts in which he’s being sued for the billionth time.

    What stunning patriotism.

    1. Trump is the epitome of what makes this country fail. He represents the autocracy that the founding fathers fought and died to oust. He is the consummate huckster and buffoon as well as being a pathological liar and self gratifier beyond compare. He boasts about no paying taxes. He boasts about stiffing his supporters while going bankrupt. He boasts about being able to be exempt from that which his supporters are not. It goes on and on and it will. Trump is one of those rare types that can take a dump on his supporters and they love him for it.

    1. He will probably will settle but make sure that he is held ‘blameless’ like when he was a racist and didn’t rent to Blacks. Trump continuously follows up the historical fact that he was, and probably still is, a racist but even though he paid the fines, was forced to rent to Blacks, was proven beyond a shadow of a doubt to be a racist, he didn’t have to admit it openly. Just a little insight on our next Commander in Chief. There’s a sucker born every minute and half of America just happened to be coming along at the right time. Oh, when it breaks down a half mile from your house, you can’t bring it back. You have to read the fine print. Oh, you didn’t read the fine print, well I’m not responsible. Other people did all that.

  13. QUOTE “He also rejected a motion to bar campaign statements by Trump at trial”

    Is he kidding!?!? Everyone is allowed to LIE during campaigning…(and they ALL do)…

  14. “Students often pay huge amounts and receive sub par courses”

    I can’t think of any course I took in undergraduate school (large State University) or graduate school (A different large State University) that was of any lasting value. While I may have learned habits of critical thinking, analysis, and vocabulary, my education came from long years of on the job learning, reading, experience, and more recently constant use of the Internet on demand to look up anything and everything that I want to know whenever I want to know it. I know more now than I ever knew before as a result of the Internet. So thank you Professor Turley for providing the instant internet education that you provide. Classroom education is obsolete.

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